Une demande de clarification auprès de l’Etat

http://lanation.mg/archive.php?id=10406

03/04/2014

Face aux ventes et locations de terrains aux étrangers, l’Etat est requis de donner les états des lieux de ces transactions avec de amples clarifications au peuple malgache, a expliqué le Collectif TANY, une association qui lutte contre l’accaparement de terres. Cette association a souligné que la volonté affichée par les nouveaux dirigeants élus de mettre en place un Etat de droit, devrait se traduire par une transparence totale sur toutes les transactions sur les terres.

L’Etat est sollicité de rendre des comptes sur les transactions depuis plusieurs années et ceux qui sont encore en cours. Plusieurs milliers d’ha ont été octroyés aux étrangers alors que les détails de ces contrats ne sont pas clairs. Les victimes ne sont d’autres que les petits malagasy qui vivent dans les zones rurales se trouvant à proximité des terrains accaparés. 
En plus d’une information complète sur l’état des lieux des ventes et locations de terres déjà réalisées ou en cours, le Collectif TANY demande ainsi une clarification sur le contenu détaillé des contrats de location-gérance des biens de l’Etat. Les plantations de canne à sucre et les usines qui ont été confiées en location-gérance à la société chinoise Compagnie Nationale d’Importation et d’Exportation des Equipements Complets de Chine (COMPLANT) dans plusieurs régions depuis plusieurs années, notamment dans le Nord-Ouest à Ambilobe en sont des exemples. Qui sont les propriétaires actuels de ces terres ? Quelles sont les clauses des contrats passés dans chacun des sites de plantation de cannes à sucre et d’implantation d’usines ? Selon cette association œuvrant pour le bien être des paysans malagasy qui se font expulser de leurs terres, ces informations devraient être rendues publiques. 
Et le contrat de carbone ? 
La vente par le gouvernement malgache de crédit-carbone des forêts protégées du Makira dans le Nord-Est à la société américaine Microsoft et au zoo de Zurich, suscite en outre des questionnements. D’après le Collectif TANY, « le montage financier et le régime foncier sous lequel ces 320 000 ha de forêts qui ont été cédés, méritent davantage de clarification pour l’ensemble des citoyens ». En particulier, comment sera comptabilisé le carbone, comment seront répartis les revenus du carbone et comment sera effectuée concrètement la gestion de la part prévue pour les communautés locales vivant aux alentours des aires protégées pour qui, les zones et les ressources forestières seront désormais inaccessibles ? Une étude réalisée en 2013 sur le projet-pilote PHCF – projet holistique de conservation des forêts – initié par WWF Madagascar et la fondation GoodPlanet, financé à 100% par la compagnie Air France dans le Sud-est, montre que les mécanismes de compensation des émissions de carbone ne contribuent pas forcément à la réduction de la déforestation mais peuvent aggraver l’insécurité alimentaire de la population avoisinant l’aire protégée, a expliqué le Collectif TANY. 

Ce système de « vente de carbone », un aspect des paiements des services environnementaux « visant à rémunérer les réductions d’émissions dues à la déforestation et à la dégradation des forêts » – REDD – ainsi que son application concrète, doit être prouvé à l’opinion publique qu’il s’agit bien d’une « chance » et d’une « aubaine » pour les Malgaches car de nombreux éléments restent imprécis et non maîtrisés, selon les spécialistes dans le domaine, a insisté cette association. 

Immagini collegate:

Una pagina facebook dedicata al Madagascar

http://it.globalvoicesonline.org/2014/02/foto-gente-di-comore-madagascar-mauritius-e-reunion/

Joey Ayoub, collaboratore di Global Voices, ha recentemente pubblicato un post di foto Gente del Medioriente e del Nord Africa [en], contribuendo alla creazione di una pagina Facebook sul Madagascar, Humans of Madagascar [en]:

“Tarika Mainty” un gruppo creato da alcuni bambini che suonano con la battria e danzano per le vie delle capitale

 

Per accompagnare il post del blog, Lalah racconta la vita di questi tre bambini che hanno creato un loro gruppo musicale per guadagnarsi da vivere:suonano con la batteria e danzano per le vie della capitale.

ho fatto la conoscenza di tre ragazzi di una decina d’anni del gruppo “Mainty”(Nero). Fabrizio è alla batteria, Christian fa del rumore con un corno  (simile a quello che si crea durante le feste di compleanno e Cedric danza. Offrono dei piccoli spettacoli di strada facendo anche dei tour nei quartieri del centro.)

 

Foto di Lalah Ariniaina, riproduzione autorizzata

Immagini collegate:

Anche il Madagascar all’expo 2015

Anche il Madagascar parteciperà all’EXPO che si terrà a Milano il prossimo anno.

Inizialmente il Madagascar non era stato invitato a causa delle difficili relazioni politiche con il Paese non limitate all’Italia, ma comuni all’Europa. I recenti sviluppi positivi  hanno portato la Comunità Europea a riallacciare i rapporti diplomatici e quindi anche con l’Italia. 

Anche se sul sito di EXPO2015 ancora non risulta, in data 13 giugno il Madagascar ha confermato, tramite l’ambasciatore a Roma, la volontà di partecipare alla Esposizione Universale.

La notizia è pervenuta alla rete V.I.M. da uno dei responsabili organizzativi della manifestazione alla quale il presidente di VIM, Paolo Mazza, nel maggio scorso aveva chiesto notizie.

Immagini collegate:

Festa dell’Associazione, domenica 8 giugno 2014

festa associazione 2014.jpg - 99.44 KbCari amici, la prima domenica di giugno, come ogni anno, organizziamo la festa dell’associazione.

 

Il programma della giornata che trascorreremo insieme è illustrato nella locandina che vedete a fianco e che potrete stampare, in bianco o a colori, per diffondere l’iniziativa.

 

L’appuntamento è per le 10.00 del giorno 8 giugno 2014. Nel corso della mattina saranno illustrati i progetti di qust’anno e sarà possibile anche acquistare i biglietti della sottoscrizione a premi.

Seguirà la Messa celebrata da Padre Giangi.

Durante il pranzo, previsto per le 12.30, organizzeremo giochi con ricchi premi.

Alle 15.30 estrazione dei biglietti vincenti della sottoscrizione a premi.

Il contributo per il pranzo è di 20 € per gli adulti e 10 € per i bambini.

 

Vi ricordo che tutto quanto raccoglieremo sarà utilizzato per il finanziamento dei progetti in Madagascar.

Ci ritroveremo quindi l’ 8 giugno a Grumello del  Monte, presso l’Azienda agricola ” Le Corne”, in località Corne 4, San Pantaleone.

Trovate di seguito la localizzazione del luogo dell’incontro e il link a Google Maps, nel caso abbiate bisogno delle indicazioni stradali.

https://maps.google.it/maps?hl=it&q=le+corne+grumello+del+monte&gbv=2&ie=UTF-8&ei=NgpZU6XLKoLNygOmxYKgCA&ved=0CAkQ_AU

festa grumello 2014.jpg - 51.37 Kb

Immagini collegate:

Guerra civile in Madagascar.

http://www.nuovaresistenza.org/2014/05/26/guerra-civile-in-madagascar/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=guerra-civile-in-madagascar

Posted by on mag 26, 2014 in Africa |

madagascar

La situazione politica del Madagascar è sempre molto complessa. La “Grande Isola”  – così la chiamano i malgasci – si trova in una situazione particolare: la crisi economica che sta riportando l’Africa in una situazione molto simile agli anni ’80 dello scorso secolo, è arrivata anche qui in Madagascar.
Nella bellissima isola che si affaccia sull’Oceano Indiano tira forte il vento della recessione e del ricatto del Fmi – Fondo Monetario Internazionale – che ha intimato al governo malgascio il rientro del debito pubblico immediato. Se, da una parte, una apparente situazione politica di stallo, non lascia intravedere cambiamenti a breve, la situazione sociale tuttavia, giorno dopo giorno, spinge sempre più persone a inventarsi un modo per sbarcare il lunario.

UNA SITUAZIONE DIFFICILE

La parte sud del Madagascar è ricca di risorse minerali,  come zaffiri e altre pietre preziose. A fronte di questo, la Francia, è ormai sempre più decisa a tornare protagonista delle sue ex-colonie,  come appunto il Madagascar  – non fosse altro per far fronte alla crisi interna; crisi che ha spinto il governo di Hollande a intraprendere “azioni di colonialismo aggressivo” e alcuni investitori transalpini all’acquisizione di questa terra preziosa.
A fronte di questo stato di cose, la cittadinanza locale ha deciso di attuare forme di resistenza e di guerriglia. Ma le cose sono precipitate in modo drammatico negli ultimi giorni, dato che le persone lasceranno queste  terre soltanto se costrette e sotto la minaccia della forza.
Se Parigi vorrà queste ricche terre del sud del Madagascar le dovrà conquistare con azioni di guerra militare inviando altri soldati in questa parte di Africa.
La guerra civile divampata nel Sud del Madagascar dunque, racchiude tutti i drammi che l’Africa sta di nuovo imparando a sopportare: invasioni colonialiste, sfruttamento, guerre tribali e civili.

IL RITROVAMENTO DI ARMI NEL PORTO DI TOAMASINA

Nella giornata di venerdi 23 maggio 2014, il telegiornale malgascio ha parlato apertamente di un ritrovamento inquietante nel porto di Tamatave (Toamasino) – città orientale del Madagascar e capoluogo di provincia. La città, precedentemente nota come Tamatave, è il porto più importante del Paese e i suoi abitanti sono 200.568. Un ritrovamento di 400 armi illegali.
Questa notizie si inquadra in una situazione in continuo divenire. Fonti ben informate e molto vicine agli ambienti della polizia hanno ammesso che negli ultimi giorni ci sono stati 80 decessi di persone causati dai violenti scontri della guerra civile.
Tutto lascia prevedere che per la “Grande Isola” stia iniziando un periodo buio che potrebbe essere il preludio a un nuovo golpe per tenere a freno i focolai di resistenza civile. Tuttavia il vero domicilio di questa nuova minaccia che incombe sul Madagascar è Parigi e l’Eliseo.

Il video del ritrovamento delle armi

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=mJBbhWepH3Q

(Fonte.:madascartribune;jeuneafrique)
Bob Fabiani
-www.madagascar-tribune.com;
-madonline.com;
-www.jeuneafrique.com/madagascar

Informando: AfricanLand:Guerra civile in Madagascar..

Immagini collegate:

Preghiera di una contadina del Madagascar

img_0193.jpg - 129.14 Kb

“O Signore, padrone di pentole e casseruole,

non posso essere una santa che medita ai tuoi piedi,

non posso ricamare tovaglie per il tuo altare,

fa’, allora, che io sia santa presso i miei fornelli,

che il tuo amore riscaldi la fiamma che vi ho acceso.

Ho le mani di Marta,

ma voglio avere l’anima di Maria.

Quando lavo i pavimenti,

lava, o Signore, i miei peccati;

quando metto a tavola il cibo,

mangia anche tu, Signore, insieme a noi.

È il mio Signore che io servo,

servendo la mia famiglia.”

Immagini collegate:

Madagascar, une sortie de crise superficielle ?

http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/southern-africa/madagascar/218-a-cosmetic-end-to-madagascar-s-crisis.aspx

Madagascar, une sortie de crise superficielle ?

Rapport Afrique N°218 19 mai 2014

Ce rapport est actuellement disponible en anglais uniquement. 

SYNTHESE ET RECOMMANDATIONS

Madagascar est sur le point de sortir d’une crise politique de cinq longues années, aggravée par d’importants troubles économiques et un isolement international. L’élection présidentielle de décembre 2013, remportée par Hery Rajaonarimampianina, a été jugée crédible. Le retour à la démocratie permet d’envisager une reprise du soutien international. Cependant, l’exil prolongé de l’ancien président Marc Ravalomanana a polarisé le pays. Le régime putschiste d’Andry Rajoelina a été marqué par des difficultés socioéconomiques, la corruption généralisée, la désagrégation des institutions et l’effondrement de l’Etat de droit. Le système politique, principal obstacle au redressement, doit être réformé en profondeur, au-delà de changements superficiels. L’Union africaine, la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe et le Groupe international de soutien pour Madagascar doivent soutenir Rajaonarimampianina qui tente d’arbitrer entre les différentes forces politiques, en rejetant toute tentation hégémonique. La communauté internationale doit également soutenir la réforme et le renforcement des institutions démocratiques, ainsi que la réforme et la professionnalisation du secteur de la sécurité.

Si les élections marquent un progrès, elles n’ont en rien résolu les causes sous-jacentes et les conséquences du coup d’Etat de 2009. Les relations personnelles et les jeux politiques ont plus d’importance que les lois et les institutions. Les alliances se sont de nouveau révélées très flexibles lors de la formation d’un nouveau gouvernement et de la bataille pour le contrôle de l’Assemblée nationale : les parlementaires sans étiquette convoitaient chaque bloc politique qui semblait sur le point de former une coalition majoritaire. Dans un des pays les plus vulnérables aux coups d’Etat, l’armée reste hors de contrôle du pouvoir civil. Le clivage entre Ravalomanana et Rajoelina et leurs mouvements respectifs, déclencheur de la crise, reste prononcé. Les anciennes divisions persistent, et elles ont même été dépassées et complexifiées par de nouvelles rivalités qui ont émergé entre et au sein des partis politiques lors des élections de 2013.

Madagascar a cependant réintégré le concert des nations, mené par l’Union Africaine (UA), qui en janvier 2014, peu après l’investiture du président, a levé sa suspension. Le Fond monétaire international et la Banque mondiale ont déjà renoué des liens avec Madagascar, alors que d’autres acteurs (notamment l’Union européenne et les Etats-Unis) ont indiqué qu’ils reprendront l’aide directe au développement une fois que le gouvernement sera en place – ce qui devrait avoir lieu de manière imminente suite à la nomination d’un nouveau Premier ministre, Kolo Roger, le 11 avril et à la formation du gouvernement le 18 avril. La Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe, qui a joué un rôle prépondérant dans l’encadrement des négociations politiques menant aux élections, a fermé son bureau à Antananarivo à la fin du mois d’avril, mais devrait tout de même maintenir une présence active.

L’aide au développement devrait s’accroitre, mais l’urgence du développement risque de faire oublier l’importance des défis politiques à long terme. Ce serait une grave erreur. En effet, les faiblesses structurelles et institutionnelles sont les causes du sous-développement et des crises politiques à répétition. Une stratégie de développement à long terme, prenant en compte la réconciliation, la réforme, la prévention des conflits et la construction de la paix, doit être adoptée. Fin 2001-début 2002, un différend post-électoral avait failli déclencher une guerre civile. Depuis, l’armée est régulièrement intervenue dans la vie politique, y compris lors des deux tentatives de coup d’Etat qui ont eu lieu depuis l’installation au pouvoir de Rajoelina par l’armée en 2009. Il serait illusoire de croire que le gouvernement actuel repose sur des fondements assez solides pour garantir la stabilité et la paix durable, ni même que les élections mettront fin à la fragilité du pays.

Le président Rajaonarimampianina doit relever d’immenses défis : mettre en place un gouvernement inclusif avec lequel il pourra travailler pour réformer le système et la culture politiques ; renforcer l’intégrité des institutions ; favoriser la réconciliation nationale ; empêcher l’instrumentalisation politique des services de sécurité en répondant aux exigences professionnelles qui sont réalistes ; relancer le développement et la fourniture de services ; répondre à la crise de la santé publique (à la fois en matière de sécurité alimentaire et d’épidémies) ; et reprendre le contrôle du Sud, région en proie au banditisme et aux armes. A moins d’une transformation radicale répondant aux problèmes structurels du pays, la période actuelle ne sera que le calme avant l’inévitable tempête.

RECOMMANDATIONS

Pour promouvoir la réconciliation

Au gouvernement malgache et aux dirigeants politiques :

1.  Promouvoir une plateforme de valeurs et d’objectifs communs et une approche coopérative de la gouvernance qui encourage l’inclusion politique et une réforme législative et institutionnelle ; et expliquer et promouvoir de manière officielle le concept d’ « opposition loyale ».

2.  Etendre le mandat du Conseil de réconciliation Malagasy (FFM) tout en incluant le Conseil chrétien des Eglises de Madagascar (FFKM), et élaborer un programme d’action clair au niveau national, régional et local qui devrait être signé par les partis, mouvements et hommes politiques.

3.  Examiner les problèmes de sécurité liés au retour de l’ancien président Marc Ravalomanana et reconsidérer de toute urgence son exclusion du processus actuel d’amnistie.

4.  Communiquer et diffuser largement les priorités et les engagements du gouvernement en matière de réconciliation afin de promouvoir la participation de la société civile.

Au Groupe international de soutien – Madagascar, l’Union africaine et la Communauté de développement de l’Afrique australe (SADC) :

5.  Fournir un appui continu et élargi au processus de réconciliation.

Pour lutter contre la corruption et renforcer l’intégrité des institutions

Au gouvernement malgache :

6.  Faire preuve d’un engagement clair en faveur de l’Etat de droit, de la lutte contre la corruption, et du renforcement des capacités des institutions étatiques et de la confiance en celles-ci.

7.  Appuyer le renforcement de BIANCO, l’agence anti-corruption, pour enquêter et instruire les cas de corruption de haut niveau.

8.  Investir dans le renforcement des compétences nationales et renouer avec l’Initiative pour la transparence dans les industries extractives afin de promouvoir la responsabilisation dans le secteur des ressources naturelles.

Au Groupe international de soutien – Madagascar, l’UA et la SADC :

9.  Soutenir les efforts du gouvernement pour lutter contre la corruption et renforcer l’intégrité des institutions.

10.  Surveiller de près le respect de l’Etat de droit et des pratiques démocratiques.

Pour séparer le secteur de la sécurité et la sphère politique

Au gouvernement malgache :

11.  Interdire aux militaires d’occuper une fonction administrative politique ou civile, et remplacer par des civils les gouverneurs militaires régionaux nommés par l’ancien président de la transition Rajoelina.

12.  S’assurer que l’évolution de carrière des officiers est à l’abri des manipulations politiques et en accord avec les bonnes pratiques internationales.

13.  Faciliter le professionnalisme et la cohésion au sein du secteur de la sécurité, qui comprend l’armée et la gendarmerie, notamment grâce aux liens avec les initiatives de l’UA et de la SADC.

Aux responsables du secteur de la sécurité de Madagascar :

14.  Déclarer publiquement et sans équivoque leur engagement et leur loyauté envers la Constitution et le principe de soumission de l’armée au pouvoir civil.

A la communauté internationale, particulièrement l’UA et la SADC :

15.  Exercer une pression forte et commune sur ces sujets.

Johannesbourg/Bruxelles, 19 mai 2014

Immagini collegate:

mail del 19 maggio 2014

dscf0017.jpg - 128.77 Kbdscf0001.jpg - 126.97 Kb dscf0032.jpg - 144.14 Kb dscf0058.jpg - 136.47 Kb dscf0095.jpg - 193.64 Kb

 Da:            Giovanni Colombi   (giangi.colombi@gmail.com)     19-mag-2014
A:           
 
Carissimi,
                    vi mando queste foto che mi sono pervenute dal Madagascar, da un villaggio vicino alla città di Mahajanga in cui si vedono gli studenti dell’Università della facoltà di stomatologia, che fanno pratica di estrazioni dentarie nelle scuole dei villaggi. Uno di questi studenti che si chiama Leda, è stato sostenuto dalla nostra associazione durante i suoi primi tre anni di università. Leda è quello che nella quarta foto ha in mano una grossa dentiera. L’attività degli studenti universitari è stato sponsorizzato da associazioni malgasce che vedete nel telone appeso alla scuola.
 
Un abbraccione a tutti e buon pomeriggio
 
Giangi

Immagini collegate:

Diop to the Antananarivo’s university students

http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/speech/2014/05/16/lafrique-innove-celebrer-les-reussites-relever-les-defis

Africa Innovate: Celebrating Successes and Addressing Challenges

May 14, 2014 — In Antananarivo, Makhtar Diop, World Bank Vice President for the Africa Region,  spoke with President Rajaonarimampianina and with university students about Africa’s self transformation and what it could mean for Madagascar’s future.  
University of Antananarivo, Madagascar

May 16, 2014

As Prepared for Delivery

I am pleased to be here at the University of Antananarivo. The University and the World Bank have a longstanding partnership and I am delighted to contribute to this partnership through my presence here today.

The topic I would like to address is Africa’s innovation and self-transformation process. As your country emerges from a period of crisis, I hope that you will draw inspiration from other African countries that have experienced crises but have also demonstrated, over the past 10 years, that it is possible to change their destiny.

I would also like to both celebrate our successes and acknowledge our challenges, and my remarks today will strike this balance. Great success has been achieved in recent years, which we must celebrate.  Understanding the drivers of this success will also help us understand the challenges so that we may better address them.

“Recent Successes” 

As we all know, Africa’s economies are enjoying a period of unprecedented growth and development. Sub-Saharan Africa, excluding South Africa, grew by more than 6 percent in 2013 (6.1 percent), consolidating more than a decade of growth rates above 5 percent, even taking into account the slight drop in 2009 because of the global crisis.

Growth on the continent reflects an important structural trend in African economies. Nigeria recently revised its GDP, which now stands at more than US$500 billion, surpassing South Africa and becoming the biggest economy in Africa. Other African countries such as Ghana and Kenya have also improved their GDP statistics. Other countries will follow suit.

These revised figures shed light not only on the size of these economies, but also on their composition. First, services are now a key pillar of the African economy and the extractive industries and agriculture continue to be one of the strongest drivers. However, the role to be played by the manufacturing sector over the next 10 years is still a matter of debate.

While the share of the manufacturing sector in overall GDP has increased in some countries such as Nigeria and Ethiopia, it is clearly declining in most other countries.  The role of the manufacturing sector in the development of Africa’s economies is being debated and views on this topic abound.  This has been addressed by economists such as Haussman, Velasco, my colleague Bill Maloney or, more recently, the African Center for Economic Transformation think tank headed by African economists, whose report has just been published.  Among all the views expressed, the common issue is the productivity of African economies.

For this reason, we at the World Bank have a renewed interest in higher education, particularly the role of sciences. Currently, only 25 percent of the graduates of African universities have been trained in science, technology, engineering, and math. 

Second, the infrastructure deficit, particularly in the energy sector, is also an obstacle that will have to be overcome in order to boost the productivity level of African economies. Consequently, special emphasis has been placed on the infrastructure and energy sectors in World Bank programs currently being implemented in Africa.

I would like to return to the subject of the recent development of African economies.  GDP growth in Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to be 5.2 percent in 2014 and 5.4 percent in 2015 and 2016. These growth rates are now the rule rather than the exception in Africa.

Why is Africa growing at these rates, when it previously struggled to perform at such a level?

We know that part of the reason is linked to trends in commodity prices.

In 2000, about half of Africa’s economies were major commodity exporters.  In countries such as Angola, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Nigeria, more than 92 percent of export earnings, on average, are derived from oil. And in other non-oil producing but resource-rich countries such as Botswana, Guinea, Mauritania, and Sierra Leone, 50 percent of export earnings come from natural resources.  We must therefore acknowledge that Africa has benefitted, in part, from events beyond its control. 

But this is only part of the story. 

We have also seen improvements in governance and in macroeconomic management, the factors underlying more robust economic growth.

Budget deficits have been brought under control in most countries and impressive measures have been adopted to curb inflation. Sub-Saharan Africa is, in fact, performing better than the OECD countries.  In 2013, the average debt of African governments stood at 33.9 percent, compared to a figure of 107.1 percent in developed economies.  This performance has played a key role in developing confidence in African economies and attracting sizeable amounts of foreign direct investment.

Improved governance and strengthened macroeconomic management have helped make Africa a destination for foreign investors. Not just short-term flows, but direct investment that is flowing in because investors believe that African economies will continue to grow in the years ahead.

Financial uncertainty and deleveraging in the Eurozone drove down private capital flows to developing countries by about 9 percent in 2012. However, that same year, private inflows to Africa increased by more than 3 percent and reached a record high of US$55 billion. African public debt is increasingly viewed by investors as an asset class that can offer robust returns and, at the same time, risk diversification by moving away from developed country financial markets. And as governments provide greater stability, international investors are turning to the African private sector.

Foreign direct investment is expected to remain strong. FDI in Africa increased by 16 percent in 2013, climbing to US$43 billion. FDI in Africa is forecast to reach $56 billion by 2015. And while the extractive industries dominate, their importance in productive investments is declining, reflecting increasing services investments, especially in banking, transportation, telecommunications, and water.

This augurs very well for long-term confidence in Africa’s economies and has also been the third main driver of Africa’s improved performance in the last decade, along with rising commodity prices and improved economic management. Foreign savings have augmented Africa’s own, quite low, savings levels.

Domestic investment has also posted solid increases in recent years.  All these factors have helped fund an investment boom in Africa.  And we expect this trend to continue.

“Addressing the Challenges”

So … will this performance continue? And how can we strengthen it further?

At the World Bank, our analysis of Africa’s growth prospects points mostly to positive signs and suggests that Africa should continue to grow at about 6 percent a year, excluding South Africa, where growth prospects are unfortunately more moderate (in the 3 percent range).

Perhaps more importantly, some of the dark clouds on the horizon of the global economy—such as Eurozone fiscal concerns or the possibility of a slowdown of China’s very rapid recent growth—may not rain too much on Africa’s parade. 

Why do I say this? The Bank has conducted an analysis of alternative “negative shock” scenarios modeling the world economy and Africa’s place in it using competitive general equilibrium techniques.

The impact of a credit squeeze in the Eurozone economies is estimated at 1 percent of growth in Africa. Another scenario models a sudden change of direction of Chinese investment and thus world growth and commodity prices. This could cool commodity markets and prices and although the discovery of new mining deposits may cushion this effect, it is still something for us to watch. Still, our modeling actually suggests that this transmission channel would have a somewhat less severe impact on Africa. All told, while these scenarios capture downside risk, they do not come anywhere close to spelling disaster. 

Of course, Africa faces specific risks and challenges.  However, a very real opportunity exists to take Africa’s economic performance to another level and create a true African transformation. Let me mention a number of African risks, and then present to you the more optimistic picture.

“Mitigating Risks”

Conflicts.  Recent events in Mali have shown how quickly regional instability can affect one of our economies. Mali’s growth rate was 5.8 percent in 2010. In 2011, its country policies and institutions were rated by the Bank as significantly stronger than the regional average. Yet in January 2012, Mali fell victim to forces beyond its own control and its economy is still trying to regain its footing.

Yet the fragility of our African countries is not always reflected in violent conflict. As you are well aware, this fragility can also be seen in profound political instability. From the time of its independence, Madagascar has experienced cyclical political crises. Since the end of the 1980s, these political crises have been preceded by periods of accelerated economic growth.  Based on the experience of other countries, it is clear that economic growth in and of itself does not fuel political crises. However, in the case of Madagascar, these two phenomena appear to be linked.

How can we, public and private sector actors in Africa, minimize these crisis risks that are derailing progress?

Partly by ensuring that growth is shared across population groups and regions.  It cannot be appropriated by a single group. This can be achieved in particular through improved basic infrastructure, health, education, and social services in the least developed regions.  In the Sahel region, for example, solutions relating to increased agricultural productivity are also being provided to help build resilience to desertification and increased climate volatility. A significant share of the World Bank’s lending portfolio seeks to promote just that, by supporting infrastructure, agriculture, and innovative service delivery models for education, health, and social safety nets.

A second approach to reducing fragility and conflict is responding quickly and effectively to the threat of conflict. The 2011 World Development Report, which focused on fragile and post-conflict situations, underscores the importance of responding promptly to restore confidence and focusing on strengthening institutions that provide citizen security, justice, and employment, with a particular focus on young people.  The Bank opened a new country office in Nairobi, which seeks to adapt our development solutions to fragile and post-conflict environments, building on the analysis of the World Development Report, among others.

A second risk is related to the energy sector, Africa’s biggest infrastructure bottleneck.  The energy issue must be promptly and adequately addressed to prevent it from becoming an even greater obstacle to progress on the continent than it currently is.

A recent study of a number of African countries estimated the economic cost of power outages at over 5 percent of GDP per year in all of these countries. Thirty countries in Africa experience regular power cuts. Africa has approximately 80 GW of installed generation capacity. It also has 45 GW and 15 GW of hydropower and geothermal potential, respectively, as well as significant natural gas reserves, and, for the longer term, tremendous wind and solar potential.

The challenge, therefore, is to foster and harness private investment, with a view to boosting current levels that are generating a mere 1 to 2 GW of additional capacity each year, although more than 6 to 7 GW are required.

Based on current projections, fewer than 60 percent of Africans will have electricity in their homes by 2030, while estimates of unmet investment needs stand at over US$40 billion per year. Private sector investments in Africa account for 1 percent of total investments in developing countries. This is clearly inadequate. To ensure greater investment, we need to focus on regulatory obstacles, the performance of state-owned enterprises and innovative financing, incorporating guarantees and other characteristics in order to increase private investment.

A third challenge pertains to the issues of the capacity of fiscal institutions and lack of transparency, which, if not addressed, could imperil gains made. A number of countries have experienced strong growth, 8 percent in some cases over the past decade, almost doubling the size of these economies. However, these countries have not been able to achieve poverty reduction, an even more daunting challenge in countries whose growth is dependent on commodities. Three factors should be noted:

  1. Transparency in the accounting of oil revenue in State and federal state budgets.
  2. Avoidance of boom-bust cycles exacerbated by pro-cyclical budgetary spending.
  3. Increase in pro-poor spending (for example, by reducing oil subsidies for the wealthiest in favor of direct transfer payments targeting the poorest).

Of course, none of these policies can be easily implemented, an undertaking that is even more difficult when they are taken together. However, as difficult as this may be, this is the way forward for many of our countries.

We must be clear about a persistent threat: some African countries could squander their natural resource wealth, thereby creating, as has happened in the past, a legacy of debt rather than of assets.

Debt relief coupled with natural resource revenues—current or future—has made a considerable number of governments in African countries more creditworthy than ever before. However, this also creates risks and the need for prudent economic management. A recent analysis conducted by the Bank revealed that eight African countries that benefited from the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) and Multilateral Debt Relief initiatives increased their public debt-to-GDP ratio to one-third of pre-relief levels in just four years. Others did even better. The main challenge here, therefore, is to strengthen national institutions so as to avoid the pitfalls of uncontrolled and underproductive public spending.

“The keys to a true transformation”

If Africa can mitigate the three main risks that I discussed—conflict, key infrastructure constraints, and fiscal transparency—there will be an opportunity for an even deeper transformation than we witnessed during the past 10 years. Let me tell you why I am confident this will happen.

First, we are seeing greater political accountability.  There are many positive examples of democratic political transitions in Africa in recent years: the recent peaceful democratic transition in Ghana, Sierra Leone’s solid performance as well according to all international observers, and my own country Senegal. This is increasingly becoming the rule rather than the exception in Africa, and, from an economic standpoint, all the benefits have not yet been felt.

Second, Africa has yet to reap the benefits of its youth population structure and the emergence of a new and powerful middle class.

In 2015, 61 percent of Africans will be under 25, a figure that will fall to 56 percent by 2035. This is a tremendous opportunity for growth, given that these young population groups are entering their productive years. In South Asia, however, the reverse is happening—48 percent of the population will be under 25 in 2015, but this rate will fall to 39 percent by 2035, thus placing a heavier burden on young people to support an older population.

This demographic phenomenon underscores the need to ensure that young people receive not just an education but an education that is of a better quality and more suited to labor market needs than what is currently provided in the majority of our countries.

The emergence in recent years of a large middle class in many African societies is equally important, because this means that African businesses must not only export but can also produce for their burgeoning domestic markets. In other countries such as Brazil, this phenomenon has been a driver not only of growth, but also of fundamental societal transformation.

This also underscores another opportunity—the economic integration of Africa. A recent World Bank report entitled “De-fragmenting Africa” revealed the continent’s huge potential once tariff and non-tariff barriers in Africa are removed.  The incidence of these barriers falls most heavily on the poor and on women, and prevents countries from taking advantage of opportunities to diversify exports away from a narrow range of primary products. Regional trade can play a key role in creating jobs that are needed for Africa’s young populations.

Conclusion 

In closing, I would like to return to the issue raised at the beginning, namely the role of natural resources in Africa’s resurgence. While some may present this factor as a potential constraint, we can examine the role of natural resources in a different way. New mapping technology is now making it possible to generate a far more accurate image of underground mineral resources. Initial findings from the most recently conducted surveys suggest that we may be using a mere one-tenth of Africa’s total oil and mineral resources.  In other words, today’s engine of growth may prove to be an engine of growth for decades to come.

This will also create new challenges.  We must convert these resources into human capital, jobs, opportunities, and well-being for Africa’s populations.

The World Bank is therefore focusing much of its efforts on building country capacity in order to allow these countries to benefit from improved use of natural resources, negotiate with exploration companies (we have a new fund specifically for that purpose), through  transparency initiatives such as EITI,  and implement fair and effective social safety nets.

So if African governments continue to strengthen governance for the benefit of their people, if we can take advantage of the demographic transition to strengthen education and training programs and create jobs through economic growth, we have the prospect of a stronger Africa that can not only trade with the rest of the world, but also within the African continent. This would represent a new phase of development in Africa, new opportunities for African investors, and a true transformation of Africa.

Misaotra (Thank You).

Immagini collegate:

Rencontre Hery Rajaonarimampianina et Makhtar Diop

http://www.madagascar-tribune.com/Rencontre-Hery-Rajaonarimampianina,19937.html

Banque mondiale et Madagascar

samedi 17 mai 2014

Le président de la République, Hery Rajaonarimampianina, a reçu ce vendredi 16 mai 2014 au Palais d’État d’Ambohitsorohitra, le vice-président de la Banque Mondiale pour l’Afrique, Makhtar Diop. Les objectifs de la rencontre étaient d’identifier les priorités du pays et de voir ensuite le soutien de la Banque mondiale.

Selon le vice-président Mahktar Diop, cette visite à Madagascar est une suite logique de la visite du président malgache à Washington où il avait rencontré le président de la Banque mondiale et lui-même et où il avait fait part de sa volonté de voir le programme de la Banque mondiale s’accélérer et de s’enquérir également des ressources additionnelles mises à la disposition de Madagascar. « La Banque mondiale est prête à aider Madagascar », poursuit-il tout en laissant entendre qu’une enveloppe de 701 millions de dollars servira à financer une dizaine de projets à mettre en œuvre dans le cadre de la politique de réduction effective de la pauvreté.

Le vice-président Mahktar Diop s’est déclaré agréablement surpris devant la volonté politique manifestée par le président Hery Rajaonarimampianina de lutter contre la pauvreté, de réduire sensiblement le taux de pauvreté, d’instaurer la bonne gouvernance et de lutter contre la corruption et toutes sortes de maux qui ont été enregistrés dans le passé. Les discussions ont porté sur la suite des actions à entreprendre, concernant entre autres les travaux de Haute Intensité de Main d’œuvre (HIMO), le chômage, la nutrition, l’éducation, l’énergie… « pour pouvoir continuer notre soutien et notre appui », a indiqué le vice-président de la Banque mondiale

Immagini collegate: